Interview: Sonja Wolf on the Role of Minorities in Cross-Border Cooperation

Sonja Wolf is Desk Officer for Minority Policy at the State Chancellery of the German federal state of Schleswig-Holstein. Previously, she worked for many years at the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI). In her PhD at the Europa-Universität Flensburg, she explores the role of national minorities in the regional development of border regions – with a particular focus on the German-Danish border area. In this interview, Sonja Wolf, who will also be speaking at the upcoming 9th Forum of European Minority Regions (26–28 June in Novi Sad/Újvidék, Serbia), discusses the interplay between minority policy and regional development, the role of cross-border cooperation – and what other regions can learn from the German-Danish model.

Ms Wolf, could you briefly explain what your current work involves and what your doctoral research focuses on?

I currently work as Desk Officer for Minority Policy at the State Chancellery of the federal state of Schleswig-Holstein. My role is to advise the state government on shaping its minority policy and to support the implementation of this policy. Specifically, I stay in close contact with the minorities and their organisations to understand where and how they need support and what issues are important to them. This allows me to advise the Minority Commissioner on how the state government might respond to the needs and requests of the minority communities. When necessary, my colleagues and I initiate the implementation of specific measures for the minorities and their organisations, and we support the relevant ministries and institutions wherever possible. We also coordinate reporting on the implementation of minority protection in Schleswig-Holstein and assist with evaluating funding applications for minority-related projects and organisations.

In my previous position at the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI), I worked as a researcher and became increasingly interested in the role of minorities in border regions. While there have been several smaller and larger projects on this topic and many politicians, activists, and researchers have strong opinions about it, there is still a notable lack of data. This motivated me to start a PhD project that investigates under what conditions minorities in border regions can contribute to regional development. My research focuses on the German-Danish border region and specifically on the two kin-state minorities in that area. I started from the observation that minorities are generally not perceived as active contributors to regional development but rather as passive beneficiaries – or even as obstacles. So I began to ask why this perception seems to be different in our region. That is the central question guiding my research.

Over the decades, cross-border cooperation has developed between minorities and majorities in Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark. In your view, what makes this model particularly successful?

That’s precisely one of the aspects I’m trying to explore in my dissertation. My observations and data collection so far show that minorities have been a major driver of cross-border cooperation in the German-Danish border region from the very beginning – particularly the German minority in Denmark and the Danish minority in Germany. This is closely linked to the fact that maintaining a connection to their respective kin-state is essential for these communities to preserve their cultural identity and language. (Both are relatively small communities – about 50,000 members in the Danish minority and around 15,000 in the German minority.) The Frisian ethnic group and the German Sinti and Roma are less active in cross-border cooperation.

One key factor, I believe, is the professional self-organisation of the two kin-state minorities and the solid funding they receive, which allows them to dedicate resources to this work. This doesn’t necessarily mean they implement cross-border projects themselves, but they often provide crucial input and suggest solutions to problems as they arise. Their deep knowledge of the systems, procedures, and cultural customs on both sides of the border is also an important asset. Together, these factors enable both minorities to act confidently and to articulate clearly what they can and want to contribute to cross-border cooperation.

However, these factors alone would not be sufficient. Historical developments also play a central role – particularly the Bonn-Copenhagen Declarations. At the time, Germany’s geopolitical interest in joining NATO and Denmark’s use of this opportunity to resolve the “minority question” paved the way for these declarations, which have had a tremendous influence on further developments. To this day, they remain a key foundation, and their intention continues to be respected by both governments on either side of the border. This fosters a respectful attitude toward the minorities and an understanding that minority issues matter. As a result, the contributions of minorities are met with goodwill and taken seriously.

Additionally, there are numerous structures in place in which minorities and majorities work together specifically on cross-border issues. There are also ample opportunities for communication and exchange, making it easy to share, develop, and build upon ideas. That kind of foundation is what makes effective cooperation possible.

What role do national minorities play in regional development – for instance in areas such as education, language or the labour market?

Based on what I’ve analysed so far, it becomes quite clear that the German and Danish minorities in particular contribute to virtually all relevant areas of regional development. The Frisian ethnic group and the German Sinti and Roma do so as well, although I have not collected specific data on them.

For the two kin-state minorities, however, the impact is especially evident. Both run their own education systems with schools and kindergartens that are highly popular and offer high-quality, multilingual and bicultural education – making an important contribution to producing well-trained, interculturally competent professionals in the region. In the case of the German minority, these schools and kindergartens are also an important factor for newly arrived German families. Language skills, in particular, are essential for cross-border cooperation and trade relations.

The highly professionalised self-organisations of the minorities are also significant employers in our region – especially through their schools and kindergartens, which require a substantial workforce. This is a particularly important point in a rural region with comparatively weak infrastructure. It's also worth mentioning that these organisations, of course, pay taxes on salaries as well as on the goods and services they purchase or use.

There are also other areas of regional development where minorities add value: for instance, the media landscape is enriched by minority newspapers. These offer a unique perspective on the region and tend to report much more on developments on the other side of the border. In politics and public discourse, minority voices often bring in additional perspectives that enhance diversity and reflect cross-border developments. As mentioned earlier, their role in cross-border cooperation is well established. The cultural scene is also enriched by minority communities, who regularly organise concerts, theatre performances, and similar events – which are, of course, open to the majority population as well. This can also be a factor in tourism.

To what extent can political frameworks at the national or EU level support – or hinder – cross-border cooperation in regions with national minorities?

I haven’t yet fully analysed this question in my research, but based on my preliminary, non-academic observations, it really starts with some fundamental aspects: Minorities must have the opportunity to organise themselves and work professionally – not everything should rely on voluntary efforts. Transparent funding structures are also crucial, allowing for a certain degree of reliability and continuity. There must be genuine interest in, and support for, Euroregions and similar frameworks that promote cross-border cooperation. These structures also need stable funding and must include minorities as a matter of course. Ongoing communication and exchange are equally important.

If these conditions are in place, they provide a solid foundation. Of course, this also requires mutual trust and a willingness to collaborate among those responsible for implementation. If cooperation structures are created without taking these elements into account, it becomes very difficult to make them work.

Where do you see particular opportunities, but also challenges, for minorities in today's border regions – especially with regard to economic cooperation or the recruitment of skilled workers?

In recent years, we have once again seen increased border securitisation, even within the EU. These visible security measures – such as fences or walls along borders – can also cause mental borders to re-emerge in people’s minds, not just between countries, but potentially also between people.

This means, on the one hand, that we risk perceived boundaries between minorities and majorities becoming more pronounced again, potentially leading to increased exclusion and conflict. On the other hand, interest in cross-border collaboration may decline – especially when it comes to social or societal cooperation, but also in terms of economic cooperation.

However, the shortage of skilled workers that we see in many places could serve as a counterweight. If minorities can take on a mediating role between institutions or actively help identify and solve barriers faced by cross-border commuters, the lack of skilled workers in a region could become an opportunity for minorities. However, much depends on the societal relationship between majority and minority populations, the resources the minority is able to contribute, and – of course – the relations between the respective states and societies.

What advice would you give to regions that want to strengthen cross-border collaboration – particularly regarding the inclusion of minorities?

I would recommend assigning responsibility for this to a specific institution or individual and equipping them with the necessary resources to engage with stakeholders and learn about the needs, interests, and opportunities for cooperation. If structures for cross-border collaboration already exist, they should be reviewed to see whether they facilitate and regularly include minority participation. The potential benefits of collaboration and minority involvement, as well as the region’s interest in such engagement, should be clearly communicated – because people are more willing to cooperate when they understand the advantages.

Take Germany and Denmark as an example: there is the Euroregion Sønderjylland–Schleswig, and since 2023 a joint working group dedicated to removing cross-border obstacles. Minorities have been an integral part of both structures from the very beginning. In Schleswig-Holstein, since 2022, the Commissioner for National Minorities has also served as the State Government’s Commissioner for Cooperation with Denmark. This dual role creates numerous synergies and demonstrates how closely linked these topics are for us. Naturally, this commissioner is also represented in all bodies dealing with cross-border cooperation. This setup works very well for us, and I believe it could serve as a model for other regions, too.

Further information:

• Bonn-Copenhagen Declarations (1955): Foundation of the German-Danish minority model (in German)
• Website of the Minority Commissioner of Schleswig-Holstein (in German)
• Learn more about the Sønderjylland–Schleswig Region: www.region.de/region/de (in German and Danish)